Black Earth(154)

By 1938, the Polish ruling elite Decisive significance of riots: Segev, One Palestine, 384. Origins and name of Irgun: Shindler, Military Zionism, 189; Shilon, Menachem Begin, 12; Kaplan, Jewish Radical Right, 9; Shapira, Israel, 128. Betar and Irgun: Shavit, Jabotinsky, 56.

Irgun liaised with the Polish Instructions to Hulanicki: Warsaw to Jerusalem, 8 April 1937, AAN, MSZ 322/B222532/35. See also Weinbaum, Marriage of Convenience, 128, instrument quotation at 135; and Drymmer, W s?u?bie, 155–56.

Avraham Stern was a child Heller, Stern Gang, 100–103; Golan, Stern, 12. University: M. Schwabe and H. Pflaum to Dr. Magnes, Jerusalem, 19 December 1929, YMA, 1393/1/4/47/333.

Although he was a talented linguist Poems and literary exercises: YMA, 1393/1/4/43/230; YMA, 1393/1/4/45/282, 302, 303. Reality: cited in Golan, Stern, 17.

Hulanicki, the Polish consul Ideological leader quotation in Hulanicki to Warsaw, 5 January 1937 [1938], AAN, MSZ 322/B18516/32. Plan: Shavit, Jabotinsky, 229; Bell, Terror, 44. Landing quotation: Lankin, To Win, 7. The projected size of the Jewish force varies in the sources; the highest figure I have seen is 45,000: Heller, “Zionist Right,” 95.

Drymmer endorsed Drymmer, “Zagadnienie,” 71; Korboński, “Unknown Chapter,” 374; Giedroyc, Autobiografia, 45; Weinbaum, Marriage of Convenience, 145; Heller, Stern Gang, 43; Spector, “Holocaust,” 20; Spektor, “?ydzi wo?yńscy,” 573; Snyder, Sketches, 66; and Snyder, “Volhynian Jews.”

Although Polish leaders The shift from one to the other and the attendant anti-Jewish element can be seen in Studentowicz, Polska idea, 12, 29, 46, 47; see also Giedroyc, Autobiografia, 62–63, for a frank description of the ideas of his milieu, at the time essentially the junior league of the Polish ruling class.

There was some continuity On Drymmer: Weinbaum, Marriage of Convenience, 125. Apostle: Józewski, “Zamiast pamietnika,” 10.

The continuities were ideological Common anti-communism: AAN, MSZ 322/18497/35, Szembek to London, 18 March 1937. Emotional appeal: “Notatka z rozmowy wicedyrektora T. Gwiazdowskiego z. p. Dr. Goldmanem,” AAN, MSZ 322/B18415/21. See also Giedroyc, Autobiografia, 62.

Yet there were some telling See Pawe?, II Rzeczpospolita wobec ruchu prometejskiego, 62, 65, 282.

In the first Prometheanism Porter-Szücs, Faith and Fatherland, 295.

Unlike the Nazi regime Hagen, “Before the ‘Final Solution,’?” 373, 375. Opposition: Wynot, “?‘Necessary Cruelty,’?” 1043–44.

This was a misunderstanding May 1934: Roos, Polen, 151. Grand design: JPI, 34/7, Józef Beck, “Wspomnienia,” 93.

It quickly became obvious Debicki, Foreign Policy, 90; Roos, Polen, 209; Müller, Der Feind, 64.

G?ring would later return to Bia?owie?a Beorn, Marching into Darkness, 97.

Cults of personality are open Quotation: Weinberg, Foreign Policy, 404.

The hope was that if Poland Totalistic states: Kornat, Polityka równowagi, 147. Stalin: Kuromiya, Stalin, 141 and passim.

Right after Pi?sudski’s Natural ally: JPI, 67/3/9, Jan Szembek, “Uwagi i obserwacje,” August 1936. Propositions to join the Anti-Comintern Pact: Wojciechowski, Stosunki, 389; Kornat, Polen, 156.

This was a trying time for Polish Arrest instructions: [To Outpost E-15 in Ukraine], 7 August 1936, CAW, I.303.4.1956.

General instructions from the Warsaw Military intelligence: [To Outpost K-10, Leningrad], 19 November 1937, CAW, I.303.4.1983.

In summer 1938 G?ring in August and discussions of October: Wojciechowski, Stosunki, 423, 510. Ribbentrop-Lipski discussion: Lipski, Diplomat in Berlin, 453. Texts of Polish fallback negotiating positions on the highway: JPI, 67/76. Weinberg argues that the unwillingness to join the Anti-Comintern Pact was the key issue. Foreign Policy, 484.

The side talk between German Lipski, Diplomat in Berlin, 411, 453; Husson, Heydrich, 125; Loose, “Reaktionen,” 48.

In these negotiations Historians of these negotiations often quote Lipski’s remark that Poland would build a monument to Hitler if he found a way to resolve the Jewish question. With knowledge of the Holocaust we can find this remark even more revolting than it, in fact, was. Lipski was expressing the hope that, despite the overwhelming difficulties, Germany could induce some maritime power to open some overseas colony to Polish Jews. It never occurred to him that Hitler’s “resolution” could be total mass murder. The remark is evidence of Lipski’s incomplete understanding of Hitler, which was hardly unique to him, and not of Lipski’s desire for a Holocaust of the Jews. See Lipski to Beck, 20 September 1938, in Lipski, Diplomat in Berlin, 411; and Melzer, No Way Out, 143. After the invasion of Poland, Lipski enlisted as a private in France and fought against the Wehrmacht in 1940.