Fear: Trump in the White House(73)
Mattis and Gary Cohn had several quiet conversations about The Big Problem: The president did not understand the importance of allies overseas, the value of diplomacy or the relationship between the military, the economy and intelligence partnerships with foreign governments.
They met for lunch at the Pentagon to develop an action plan.
One cause of the problem was the president’s fervent belief that annual trade deficits of about $500 billion harmed the American economy. He was on a crusade to impose tariffs and quotas despite Cohn’s best efforts to educate him about the benefits of free trade.
How could they convince and, in their frank view, educate the president? Cohn and Mattis realized they were nowhere close to persuading him. The Groundhog Day–like meetings on trade continued and the acrimony only grew.
“Let’s get him over here to the Tank,” Mattis proposed. The Tank is the Pentagon’s secure meeting room for the Joint Chiefs of Staff. It might focus him.
“Great idea,” Cohn said. “Let’s get him out of the White House.” No press; no TVs; no Madeleine Westerhout, Trump’s personal secretary, who worked within shouting distance of the Oval Office. There wouldn’t even be any looking out the window, because there were no windows in the Tank.
Getting Trump out of his natural environment could do the trick. The idea was straight from the corporate playbook—a retreat or off-site meeting. They would get Trump to the Tank with his key national security and economic team to discuss worldwide strategic relations.
Mattis and Cohn agreed. Together they would fight Trump on this. Trade wars or disruptions in the global markets could savage and undermine the precarious stability in the world. The threat could spill over to the military and intelligence community.
Mattis couldn’t understand why the U.S. would want to pick a fight with allies, whether it was NATO, or friends in the Middle East, or Japan—or particularly with South Korea.
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Just before 10 a.m. on July 20, a stifling, cloudless summer Thursday six months into his presidency, Donald Trump crossed the Potomac River to the Pentagon.
The Tank had its appeal. Trump loved the room. Sometimes known as the Gold Room for its carpet and curtains, it is ornate and solemn, essentially a private, high-security retreat reflecting decades of history.
Mattis and Cohn organized the presentations as part history lesson and part geostrategic showdown. It was also a belated effort to address the looming question: How does this administration establish its policy priorities and stick to them?
McMaster did not attend because he had a family obligation.
Maps depicting American commitments around the world—military deployments, troops, nuclear weapons, diplomatic posts, ports, intelligence assets, treaties and even trade deals—filled two large wall screens, telling the story of the United States in the world. Even countries where the U.S. had ports and flyover rights were shown, as were key radar and other surveillance installations.
“The great gift of the greatest generation to us,” Mattis opened, “is the rules-based, international democratic order.” This global architecture brought security, stability and prosperity.
Bannon sat off to the side, a backbencher with a line of sight to the president. He knew this globalist worldview too well. He viewed it as a kind of fetish. His own obsession was still America First.
This is going to be fun, Bannon thought, as Mattis made the case that the organizing principles of the past were still workable and necessary.
There it was—the beating heart of the problem, Bannon thought.
Secretary of State Rex Tillerson followed.
“This is what has kept the peace for 70 years,” the former Texas oilman said.
It was more of the old world order to Bannon: expensive, limitless engagements, promises made and kept.
Trump was shaking his head, disagreeing, although he did not say anything.
Cohn spoke next. He made the case for free trade: Mexico. Canada. Japan. Europe. South Korea. He presented the import and export data. We’re a huge exporter of agriculture products, about $130 billion a year, he noted. We need these countries to buy our agricultural products. The whole middle of the United States is basically farmers, he said.
Most of them were Trump voters.
U.S. arms deals abroad amounted to $75.9 billion in fiscal year 2017. It’s no mistake that we’ve got a lot of military aircraft at the same airport in Singapore where they buy a lot of Boeing aircraft, Cohn said. It’s no mistake that we’ve got enormous intelligence operations out of Singapore. It’s no mistake that our naval fleet goes in and out of there to refuel and resupply.
Trade deficits were growing the U.S. economy, Cohn asserted.
“I don’t want to hear that,” Trump said. “It’s all bullshit!”
Treasury Secretary Mnuchin, another Goldman veteran, spoke about the importance of the security allies and trading partners.
Trump turned to look at Bannon. Then he looked again. Bannon took this as a signal.
“Hang on for a second,” Bannon said to everyone as he stood up. “Let’s get real.”
He picked one of the most controversial international agreements that bound the United States to this global order. “The president wants to decertify the Iranian deal and you guys are slow-walking it. It’s a terrible deal. He wants to decertify so he can renegotiate.” Trump would not just tear it up, as he’d promised in the campaign.