Fear: Trump in the White House(105)

“Well, I don’t intend to become like England,” Trump said.

“There’s no more bigger punching bag in all the world than the president of the United States,” Graham said. “And you’ve gotten more than your fair share of unfounded criticism, but that’s just the hand you’re dealt. And the way you beat them, Mr. President, is you produce. And the way you put your critics in a box is you don’t sue them, you just deliver. Prove all these guys wrong.”

Graham felt it had been one of his best conversations with the president. He had done most of the talking.



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About 11 a.m. the next day, Senator Dick Durbin, the number-two Democrat in the Senate, called Graham.

“I just got off the phone with Trump,” said Durbin, who had joined Graham in the efforts for a compromise on immigration. “He likes what we did. He wants you and me to come down.”

Graham called the White House to try to set up a meeting. Kelly came to Graham’s office to go over details.

Kelly, the immigration hard-liner, was edgy. He had told the West Wing staff and even some on the Hill that the president didn’t understand what DACA was, that he was ignorant of both the policy and the mechanics. The president had deputized Kelly to handle DACA, and he viewed part of that job as making sure Trump didn’t do anything or meet with anyone on DACA, like Graham and Durbin, without him there. The president can’t do this on his own, he’d told West Wing colleagues, because if he does it on his own, he’s going to screw it up.

“All I’m asking for is a chance to explain to the president,” Graham said. Graham’s plan was simple, he repeated. Trump would go along with legislation for Dreamers in exchange for funding for the wall. “Let him make up his own mind,” Graham said. He was repeating Kelly’s mantra on all issues. He wanted the facts presented to the president, who could then decide.

So Graham and Durbin showed up at the White House, thinking they would meet alone with Trump. Instead there was a group of anti-immigrant senators, congressmen and staffers, including Kelly and Stephen Miller. Graham thought it looked like a lynch mob lined up on chairs in the Oval Office.

Graham began walking through the plan, which included the money Trump had asked for on border security.

It was not enough, Trump said, condescending.

Graham said he was sure they could do more but this was where they had started. And he mentioned 25,000 visas from mostly African countries. He turned to the visas for places such as Haiti and El Salvador because of earthquakes, famine and violence.

“Haitians,” Trump said. “We don’t need more Haitians.” At that and the mention of immigrants from African countries, Trump said, “Why are we having all these people from shithole countries come here?” He had just met with the prime minister of Norway. Why not more Norwegians? Or Asians who could help the economy?

Durbin was sickened. Graham was floored.

“Time out,” Graham said, signaling for a halt with his hands. “I don’t like where this thing’s going.” America is an ideal, he said. “I want merit-based immigration from every corner of the globe, not just Europeans. A lot of us come from shitholes.”

Trump snapped back to reasonable, but the damage was done.

Durbin went public, revealing Trump’s comments about “shithole countries,” and Graham backed Durbin up.

Two days later, Saturday, Trump called Graham, who thought Trump was calling to take his temperature. How mad was he?

Trump said he was playing golf at his club in West Palm Beach.

“Well, hit ’em good,” Graham said.

“I didn’t say some of the things that he said I said,” Trump said, referring to Durbin.

“Yeah, you did,” Graham insisted.

“Well, some people like what I said.”

“I’m not one of them,” Graham said. “I want to help you. I like playing golf with you. But if that’s the price of admission, count me out. Good luck. Hit ’em good.”



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The idea of “shithole countries” was not a new one for Trump. During the 2016 campaign, Trump had visited Little Haiti in Miami. Former Haitian leaders had come to the microphones and accused the Clintons of corruption and stealing from Haiti.

After the event, in private, Trump seemed down. “I really felt for these people. They came from such a shithole.”



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With Bannon out of the White House, Stephen Miller was the driving force behind the White House’s hard-line DACA policy. Trump often still expressed sympathy for young people in the DACA program, saying, a lot of times these kids came here through no fault of their own. They’re sympathetic. He also pointed out the political appeal of the Dreamers.

Miller would inject the hard line. Look, everybody calls them the kids and the Dreamers but, he argued, they weren’t kids anymore. Many were 24 or 26 or 27. Miller’s position was absolute: In exchange for a compromise on DACA, we want full border wall funding for a decade—not just one year—plus an end to chain migration and the diversity lottery that dispersed up to 50,000 green cards per year to immigrants from nations that otherwise had low immigration rates to the U.S. We’re not accepting anything less than all three.

On January 21, Graham attacked Miller publicly. “As long as Stephen Miller is in charge of negotiating immigration, we are going nowhere. He’s been an outlier for years. I’ve talked to the president—his heart is right on this issue. He’s got a good understanding of what will sell, and every time we have a proposal it is only yanked back by staff members.”